Introduction

Beyond existing mechanisms for consultation, consensus building and collective action, the regular Summit meetings of elected Heads of State and Government have provided a unique opportunity for propelling political momentum in confronting many of the most critical issues in the Western Hemisphere. Summits also provide an opportunity for enhanced political dialogue and the development of a comprehensive inter-American agenda.

The theme of the Fourth Summit of the Americas in Mar del Plata, “Creating Jobs to Fight Poverty and Strengthen Democratic Governance,” demonstrated both the potential and the limits of collective action in the Americas.

The leaders of the 34 participating countries quantified the challenge: more than 220 million of the region’s 800 million inhabitants live in extreme poverty. The Declaration and its accompanying Plan of Action recognized the enormity of the challenge in calling urgent attention to issues related to trade, poverty, disease, education, corruption, racial and gender discrimination, labor standards, forced labor, terrorism, gangs, illegal drug trafficking and natural disasters, among other areas.

During intensive discussions, there was general agreement among the political leaders that democratic processes provide the most effective mechanisms for constructing and implementing meaningful policies to meet the twin challenges of governance and development. While there were notable differences of opinions and nuanced interpretations of definition, all the political leaders of the Western Hemisphere that were present agreed that democracy must be include the participation of all citizens, including and especially traditionally marginalized groups.

The concept of governability, in its most concise form, can be defined as “the ability of government to conduct the policy, actions, and affairs of the state.” By its strict definition, governability is related to its efficiency and effectiveness. Building on the Inter-American Democratic Charter and other mandates of the Summit of the Americas process, the Fourth Summit of the Americas reinforced the notion that democratic government offers the possibility for a more just, equitable and ethical form of government that is accountable to its citizenry. From the inception of the OAS, democracy has been considered the sine qua non to achieving social and economic development in the Americas.

The euphoria that greeted the transition to democracy in the 1980s and into the 1990s has been tempered by the realization that poverty rates have not declined appreciably. With wealth disproportionately concentrated in the hands of the few, Latin America remains the region with the most unequal distribution of wealth in the world.

Much of the discontent expressed by citizens relates to the perception that benefits of development are not equitably distributed. The issue therefore is not just poverty but also inequality, both of which generate demands that affect governance. There are growing indicators which suggest a growing impatience with the limited impact of social and economic progress at micro levels. This challenge has long been recognized and was clearly articulated in the Declaration of the Inter-American Program to Combat Poverty and Discrimination which noted that, “Economic growth is a fundamental condition, but not sufficient, to promote a better quality of life, overcome poverty, and eliminate discrimination and social exclusion.” 1/

However, there are signs of progress. First, economic growth in 2004 was the highest in twenty years. Second, most democratic setbacks have resulted in institutional changes that adhere to democratic norms and constitutional procedures. Third, public opinion polls throughout Latin America and the Caribbean show that, despite its shortcomings, democracy remains the government of choice in the hemisphere.

In the annual Latinobarómetro public opinion polls, citizens show a marked support for democracy over authoritarian rule. When asked, however, if they are satisfied with the results of their democracy, respondents indicated high levels of dissatisfaction.

As democracies are being consolidated, citizens in many countries feel empowered to use their freedom of expression to hold elected governments accountable, to demand growth that includes employment and poverty alleviation as intrinsic components. In short, as national dialogues have intensified and hemispheric discussions have advanced, there is consensus that delivering the benefits of democracy must become integrated into governments’ strategic objectives.

This process requires transforming systems of governance so that basic needs are met, equal access to the rule of law is provided and competing interests are resolved peacefully and transparently rather than through violence. Strong leadership, sound state institutions and political will of key political and social actors are critical for engineering such a transformation.

Clearly, this is a Hemisphere of nations in search of a strategy that offers the most effective mechanisms for advancing development to lift large portions of the population out of poverty. The analysis of United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan which posits that “good governance is perhaps the most important factor in eradicating poverty and promoting development,” is indeed apt. As the nations of the Americas grapple with issues of governance and poverty reduction, it is increasingly clear that an integral and integrated approach to development must combine governance, economic, security, cultural, social, technological and environmental issues.


The Changing Political Landscape

Political parties which have traditionally played a central role in democracies, appear to be losing influence even as instantaneous communication has democratized access to information. An observable trend among young people is the tendency to identify with and become members of virtual communities that mobilize their membership around specific interests or issues – a role previously occupied by political parties. The preference of youth for virtual political organization rather than party membership can be quantified throughout the hemisphere where current statistics reveal that party membership among youth has declined significantly. As governments seek to consolidate and strengthen democratic governance, strategies of engagement must be reformulated to respond to the new technological realities and to a more informed citizenry that is undergoing its own process of social and political evolution.

Where political parties have failed to adequately represent disparate interests, organized civil society, more specifically nongovernmental organizations, have partially filled the vacuum. Increased participation of civil society in informing policy issues and public discourse has enhanced governance in the twenty first century even as it has made it more complex.

NGOs have assumed the role of representing specific interests of society, from the environment, health and education, to issues such as corruption and transparency. Many NGOs have done valuable work in the consolidation of democracy and their inclusion in the Summit process beginning with the Quebec City meeting is testament to their important role.

The “third wave of democracy” in Latin America has embraced the new role of civil society and the gradual but steady growth of direct citizen activism. However, mechanisms to channel citizen activism within the system have not been systematized in tandem with the growth in influence. Thus, there has emerged a marked tendency toward the utilization of de facto political power through demonstrations, national strikes and other tactical actions.

The utilization of de facto political power and alternate channels of political expression have emerged in the face of the inability of political institutions, primarily political parties, to meet the changing demands of society. Nowhere is this more apparent than in the electoral and political financing regimes. The growing costs of campaigns and the concomitant pressures to raise more funds have significantly shifted the priorities of parties. In this context, the onus is on political parties to avoid becoming solely electoral vehicles, neglecting their fundamental role of aggregating interests and influencing the development of national policy. Independent of the objective realities, the perception by citizens that parties and their leaders may prioritize the interests of their contributors before those of the general public is harmful to the body politic.

Clearly, elections do not equal democracy. However, the indispensable nature of holding free and fair elections remains undisputed. While it is possible to have elections without democracy, one cannot have democracy without legitimate, transparent, free and fair elections. Elections are the cornerstones of representative democracy and constitute the only legitimate form of transfer and exercise of power in democratic states. 2/

In 2006, over a dozen countries in the Americas will select leaders at the polls. Over 50% of the population of the Americas will be under new or renewed leadership by the end of the calendar year. With the exception of Canada, the average per capita income of these countries is $6,500 – lower than the top 100 countries and in a region with the worst income distribution in the world. As previously noted, the concentration of wealth in certain sectors and in larger cities leaves significant numbers of people outside of the modern economy with little access to social services, infrastructure and credit to move up the economic ladder. With many economies in Latin America and the Caribbean unable to create enough jobs and income to address the real concerns of economic opportunity or to provide the quality public services that citizens demand, the development gap has become a central issue that has the potential to influence the outcome of many national elections.

Elections provide a unique opportunity for the electorate to indicate their priorities, interests and concerns by exercising their right to vote. Fully cognizant that the perception by the electorate that elections meet the criteria for being transparent, free, fair and credible is equally important, governments throughout the Americas have increasingly reached out to the OAS and other international organizations to observe domestic electoral processes.

Bolstering public confidence in the electoral process and creating a secure environment in which voters can exercise their franchise without fear of intimidation or retribution are fundamental prerequisites for strengthening governance. The recognition that many states in the Western Hemisphere require assistance with institutional reforms to help ensure the primacy of the rule of law and the democratic framework within which freedom and socio-economic development can flourish has been an important element in the formulation of the current strategic plan of the OAS and in the strengthening of the Secretariat of Political and Democratic Affairs.


Defense and Promotion of Democracy in the Americas

As the first regional organization to identify the defense and promotion of democracy as one of its essential purposes, the OAS has established itself as a leader in this area. Meeting in Bogotá, Colombia in 1948, representatives from 19 Latin American countries, the United States and Haiti enshrined democracy as a guiding principle of the Organization in its founding charter. A 1985 amendment characterized democracy as “an indispensable condition” for the stability, peace and development of the region and included the promotion and consolidation of representative democracy among the essential purposes of the OAS. Further changes incorporated in 1992 called for the suspension of governments that attain power through undemocratic means. 3/

The “Santiago Commitment to Democracy and the Renewal of the Inter-American System,” more commonly known as “Resolution 1080,” was the seminal precursor to the Inter-American Democratic Charter. The approval of this extraordinary document manifested the near completion of the “third wave of democracy.” When Argentina initiated its transition to democracy in 1982, only Colombia, Venezuela and Costa Rica had established competitive and multi-partisan democratic regimes. By 1991, eighteen of nineteen countries in Latin America had conducted democratic elections; Cuba remained the lone holdout.

Drawing on the lessons of the recent past, Resolution 1080, called on the Secretary General and the OAS states to take decisive action in the case of an interruption of the constitutional order. This resolution attempted to back up the rhetoric of 1948 with concrete actions and was convoked on four separate occasions: Haiti (1991), Peru (1992), Guatemala (1993), and Paraguay (1996).

Member states reaffirmed their commitment to the defense and promotion of democracy on September 11, 2001, when they unanimously approved the adoption of the Inter-American Democratic Charter. The 28 articles provide a comprehensive definition of the essential elements for democracy -- previously characterized by the conduct of elections -- and endow the OAS with strengthened mandates to promote and defend democracy in the hemisphere.

The Inter-American Democratic Charter, in a similar vein to the Declaration of the Rights and Duties of Man, considers democracy a right not a privilege. It attempts to address the complex multidimensional nature of threats to democracy, including cross border threats such as transnational crime; illegal trafficking in drugs, firearms, and persons as well as endogenous threats such as corruption, discrimination and criminal gangs. Although perhaps less obvious than the military interventions and the internal insurgencies of the 1970s and 1980s, these threats are no less pernicious.

The Inter-American Democratic Charter provides a more nuanced and less onerous mechanism for hemispheric action to address potential crises of democratic governability in a timely manner.


From Democratic Promotion to Crisis Intervention

To address the challenges enunciated in the Fourth Summit of the Americas and respond to the concerns of member states, the OAS has embarked on an ambitious restructuring that aims to provide greater coherence between the Organization’s activities and the mandates of its governing bodies. Since the focus of this chapter pertains to democratic governability, observations are limited to the area of the OAS that is devoted to the defense and promotion of democracy.

The OAS has identified several elements in its efforts to assist the strengthening of democratic governability in its member states: constructing democratic institutions internally, ensuring that institutions meet the demands of its citizens and intervention in the event of a democratic crisis.

The Summit of the Americas process and the Inter-American Democratic Charter have widened the spectrum of the work of the OAS with democratic institutions. The Department for the Promotion of Democracy has developed significant technical expertise in political party reform, anti-corruption activities and electoral assistance.

Building upon the role afforded civil society within the Summit Process, the OAS promotes citizen and civil society participation as an important instrument to consolidate democracy and build more inclusive societies. Making democracy more responsive to the citizenry is particularly important at the local level where the OAS continues to support the efforts of the Inter-American High Level Network on Decentralization which was explicitly mentioned in the Mar del Plata Declaration. Fully cognizant that the ability of citizens to fully participate in the democratic process is often predicated on having a provable identity, civil registries which were previously considered as useful primarily for electoral purposes have become enshrined as basic tenets of democratic governance. The OAS has developed an enviable track record in assisting regional governments in the creation, maintenance or improvement of civil registries.

Complementing these efforts, the OAS Department for Crisis Prevention and Special Missions focuses on identifying, analyzing and responding to potential threats to democracy, governance, and peace in the countries of the hemisphere through political analysis, early warning mechanisms and the strengthening of rapid response capabilities to assist member states confronting challenges to governability. Despite these capabilities, the OAS Special missions are formulated to support, not supplant, national institutions and their authorities.

Conclusion

Traditionally, economic policy was viewed by many, including those of the international financial institutions, as a merely technical exercise. Balance of payments, exchange rates, monetary and fiscal policies were seen through the prism of macroeconomic policy devoid of the messiness of politics. The formulation of economic policy was largely a technical exercise conducted in the financial laboratories of the capitals in developed countries.

The much-maligned “Washington Consensus” is not so much an indictment on free trade or the free flow of capital as it is a criticism of not taking into account the human factor or, in the parlance of democracy promotion, politics. Politics has been considered at best a necessary evil, something to be minimized or if possible, avoided when formulating economic policy. In the face of growing criticism, leveled by many of the participants of the Summit process, the international financial institutions and the wider international community have come to the realization that politics indeed does matter.

Ultimately, the challenge of democracy is the capacity to fulfill the promise of a comprehensive development, security and governance agenda working in service of all citizens. In opening remarks in Mar del Plata, IDB President Luis Alberto Moreno acknowledged this reality in quoting the American political philosopher John Rawls: “the success of a society is not measured by the situation of its most wealthy inhabitants, but rather by the ability of the poorest citizens to lead dignified lives and realize their dreams.”

Summits provide a unique opportunity for debate and reflection. The Mar del Plata Summit provided both. While the debates revealed differences in approach, the countries of the Americas remained united behind the common objective of identifying and pursuing strategies that result in real improvements in the daily lives of their citizens.

Democracy alone is not enough to create sustainable economies. A combination of good governance, rule of law, sound economic policies, a strong and transparent public service and an engaged citizenry constitute the foundation for democratic growth and consolidation. By respecting fundamental rights and freedoms; moving forward with an agenda that emphasizes democracy and human rights, development, peace and stability; cultivating real partnerships between the public and private sectors, and between government and civil society as well as communities of distinct ethnic, social and economic backgrounds, this Hemisphere may begin to realize its full potential.


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1 Inter-American Program to Combat Poverty and Discrimination, Declaration of the Ministers and Heads of Delegation meeting in Washington D. C. to determine the social development policies of the Organization of American States. Adopted by resolution AG/RES. 1512 (XXVII-O/97).

2 Inter-American Democratic Charter, Article 3. “Essential elements of representative democracy include, inter alia, respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, access to and the exercise of power in accordance with the rule of law, the holding of periodic, free, and fair elections based on secret balloting and universal suffrage as an expression of the sovereignty of the people, the pluralistic system of political parties and organizations, and the separation of powers and independence of the branches of government.”

3 Protocol of Amendment to the Charter of the Organization of American States "Protocol of Cartagena de Indias", approved on December 5, 1985, at the Fourteenth Special Session of the General Assembly. Protocol of Amendment to the Charter of the Organization of American States "Protocol of Washington", approved on December 14, 1992, at the Sixteenth Special Session of the General Assembly.