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ALBERT R. RAMDIN, ASSISTANT SECRETARY GENERAL OF THE ORGANIZATION OF AMERICAN STATES
THREATS TO REGIONAL SECURITY AND STABILITY IN THE AMERICAS, PRESENTATION BY AMBASSADOR ALBERT R. RAMDIN, ASSISTANT SECRETARY GENERAL AT THE SYMPOSIUM LATIN AMERICA AND CARIBBEAN RELATIONS WITHIN AN EVOLVING GLOBAL CONTEXT

November 28, 2008 - Institute of International Relations, University Guest House, University of Suriname, Paramaribo - Suriname


Chairman Mr. Harold Kolader,
Your Excellency Ronald Runaldo Venetiaan, President of the Republic of Suriname,
Mrs. Laetitia Beek, Den of te Faculty of Social Sciences,
Mr. Kriesh Nandoe, Chairman of the Institute for International Relations of the University of Suriname,
Members of the Board of the IIR,
Fellow presenters,
Lecturers and staff members of the University of Suriname,
Member of the Corps Diplomatique,
Students, with a special welcome to those coming from abroad,
Specially invited guests,
Ladies and Gentlemen,

I am indeed pleased and honored to have been invited by the Institute for International Relations to be here with you today to engage in this important and timely dialogue on “Latin American and Caribbean Relations within an Evolving Global Context” and more specifically to share my views on “Threats to Regional Security and Stability in the Americas” with you.

Before I continue, I would like to take this opportunity to express on behalf of the Organization of American States to the people and Government of India our sympathy following the horrific terrorist attacks on several public locations in Mumbai and offer our sincere condolences to the families of the victims of these barbaric terrorist acts. The Organization of American in the strongest words condemns these attacks and wishes the Government of India well in dealing with the aftermath of these disturbing events.

I will address the concepts of “security” and “stability” from a broad perspective, to include all factors, actions and developments that potentially can disturb or alter peace, social cohesion, harmony, prosperity and security in our societies.

Introduction

We live in very interesting and challenging times, but not without opportunities for change and solutions, if we all assume the responsibility which have been entrusted upon us through the role we fulfill in society, whether that is in the Government, the Parliament and other representative bodies, in the private sector or the trade movement, in non-governmental institutions or religious organizations, in the media, or simply as a individual member of the society. In short: we all have the collective, the shared responsibility to foster peace, harmony, prosperity and stability in our societies !

Many believe that today the Western Hemisphere is being characterized by the highest level of insecurity, tension, unfriendliness among nations and conflict since the ending of the Cold War. More than ever the origin of these conflicts is intra-state, related to social and economic difficulties (Haiti), the position and role of indigenous people and political maneuvering of Governments and by key actors in society (Bolivia, Ecuador and Nicaragua). We have also the on-going “debate” –whether rhetoric or not- between Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela and the United States of America.

This does not mean that the inter-state conflicts have completely vanished, we still have not been able to re-establish diplomatic relations between Ecuador and Colombia; we indeed still have many border and maritime disputes to deal with, so as to foster the hemispheric integration process further.

Without trying to analyze this much more in detail we can ask ourselves if part of the current dynamics on inter-state relations in the Western Hemisphere is related to the global search for a multi polar political and power architecture, making this notion one of the key strategic interests or objectives of the newly and independently formulated foreign policies in Latin America and the Caribbean.

The global order is changing, bilateral and multilateral relations are being modified as we speak in the context of the required strategic global re-positioning, and no doubt the 21st century will be marked by many competing players for world power. Across politics, economics, culture, military strength, a new world order is emerging. Countries such as China, Brazil, India, and regional groups such as the European Union are now major, regional powers in today’s political and economic world.

In this regard the increasing interest and presence of new economic powers such as China and India and political players like Russia, among others, require further analysis. Traditional patterns of foreign policy orientation and trading relations as a consequence of this economic interest of China and India in the Latin American and Caribbean region are changing, having a positive impact on the growth of Latin American and Caribbean economies. Indeed, these new developments provide for opportunities, but potentially also hold risks to peace and stability in the Western Hemisphere if the new engagement is not primarily aimed at economic cooperation.

Hemispheric realities

Clearly the world, but certainly the Western Hemisphere has undergone fundamental changes –some would want to use the term “transformation”, I am not ready to do that as yet- that require strategic analysis and that is why this symposium is relevant and important. I believe it is important to understand what these changes are and why they have occurred and without trying to be complete I will endeavor to list three of the most prominent ones:

First of all, I believe, we need to not forget that some 30 years ago we still had many dictatorships in Latin America and therefore the security paradigm in objective, scope and approach was quite a different one. Since then Latin America has gone through a democratization process that has given way to new democracies with vast and accentuated diversity bringing to the fore the different strategic political, economic and social interests within and among countries and between sub-regions.

This divergence, although understandable given the varied histories, political and legal systems, makes consensus building difficult on many critical issues, especially in areas related to security within a country and between countries in the context of sovereignty and territorial integrity.

Secondly, politically, since 2005, we have witnessed a significant turnover, through democratic means, in the political leadership of the hemisphere, with more than 20 countries undergoing general elections, seven of them in CARICOM. During this period, roughly two thirds of the peoples of the Americas have been involved in some sort of electoral process.

The diversity in objectives and interests in terms of how to organize societies, how to mobilize forces in societies, how to relate to neighbouring states and other countries in the Western Hemisphere and beyond, has increased. This new political landscape has added new realities, opportunities and challenges to efforts aimed at ensuring constructive political cooperation on issues of security and peace in the hemisphere, and at the same time it has brought to the forefront many of the latent conflicts in various countries posing new strains on governments and societies.

Lastly, although limited progress has been made, the Western Hemisphere, despite reasonable economic growth, continues to have unacceptable high levels of poverty (some 220 million people in Latin America live on less than 2 US$ a day), highest levels of income inequality in the world, social exclusion and discrimination.

Another important development has been taking place in the Caribbean Community, CARICOM, where membership of the sub-regional entity has been expanded to include the Republic of Suriname and the Republic of Haiti. As a consequence CARICOM is not anymore a predominant English speaking grouping of countries; de facto French is the most spoken language and Haiti is the largest country in terms of population. CARICOM has also undergone a deepening of the integration process through the modernization of the Treaty of Chaguaramas, the creation of the Single Market, to be followed by the Single Economy and the establishment of the Caribbean Court of Justice.

In an era where historical political relations and trade preferences are fading out and in the context of the proliferation of membership of CARICOM member states in other sub-regional integration systems, it is of critical importance for CARICOM leaders to revisit its strategic integration objectives and hemispheric and international relations. It is clear that the nature and scope of the integration process has changed and that new dimensions have been added to this process. CARICOM as a grouping also needs to re-position itself strategically.

For many it is clear that establishing formalistic legal framework for democracies, the adoption of constitutions and the implementation of neo liberal economic policies have not been able to effectively mitigate or eliminate inequity, inequality and exclusion and has as a consequence created in many countries instability and insecurity, in some case even leading to the premature departure of elected or appointed executive authorities.

We expect that the recent election in the United States of America will present new opportunities for enhanced cooperation and engagement in securing a more stable political and security environment for Latin America, the Caribbean and the U.S. Sub-regions are anticipating that a new and revitalized relationship between the U.S and the Americas will be re-established. I am convinced that greater and sustained dialogue and collaboration between the U.S. and the other OAS member states will most definitely continue to more effectively address the security concerns in this hemisphere.

Multidimensional security

Over the years, the evolving political scenery has also yielded different regional perspectives on development and security in the hemisphere. Through-out the past decade, we have grappled with changing definitions of security, new theoretical concepts such as “democratic security” (Central America and Colombia) and “human security” (Canada).

As many of you know, the shift from focusing on combating traditional threats to introducing new transnational and internal security issues generated a renewed determination of OAS member states, especially the CARICOM member states, to consider a more holistic approach toward hemispheric security: one that would take into account the inter-dependence of threats and challenges, at the international, national, and local levels, as well of the cross-border impact of these challenges.

In today’s redefined security environment, the concept of multidimensional security seems quite pertinent. The definition expands the issue of security to include both national, international and transnational threats and challenges affecting democratic governability and stability in our member states.

I must admit that while the OAS was perhaps ahead of the game in terms of adopting the notion of multidimensional security early on, it was nonetheless difficult to anticipate many of the new security threats or current crises impacting stability and economic prosperity in our hemisphere.

After a long process of discussion, this new approach was approved in Barbados, when Foreign Ministers adopted the Declaration of Bridgetown in June 2002. The Bridgetown Declaration on a multidimensional approach to security incorporates non-traditional threats to hemispheric security, such as natural disasters, communicable diseases, destruction of the environment as well as poverty, illicit drugs, human trafficking, and acts of terrorism. Essentially, the concept recognizes that multidimensional security is a combination of man-made and natural threats.

Additionally, the declaration cited above called on member states to work cooperatively toward redefining the institutional structure of existing mechanisms and encouraged improved coordination of relevant strategies, methodologies and approaches to address internal threats that can damage or destroy democracies and democratic governability.


Subsequently, the Declaration on Security of the Americas, adopted in Mexico in 2003, reflects the diversity of perspectives on security and the differences in capability, geography and historical experience among the 34 OAS member states. It also brought to the fore the difficulties that lie ahead in the process of building a strong regional consensus on a feasible security strategy and architecture for the Americas in which national priorities and threats may differ significantly at any given moment.

Instability and conflict situations are related to traditional threats to security, but in the context of the earlier indicated broadened definition are also related to political inefficiencies, development impediments and environmental conditions.

There is no question that multidimensional security threats require multidimensional, multidisciplinary and innovative responses. I am of the view that a holistic, integrated approach to security and crime prevention must of necessity go beyond traditional frameworks and therefore needs to include development objectives, good governance and the rule of law.

Political challenges

The most important political challenge that can create instability and circumstances of insecurity in society are the acts or in-action of Governments in terms of democratic governance, to include issues such as building strong and respected state institutions, policies to fight corruption, promote transparency and accountability, in addition to the need to design and implement sound public and financial policies that provide opportunity for all and foster equality and equity in society. The most important source of discontent and instability in societies is the inability of elected authorities to deliver on made promises.

In some societies, also in the Caribbean, we have observed that weak and fragmented political processes lead to exclusion, rather than the so badly needed inclusive approach, confirming perceptions or realities of economic marginalization, social injustice, discrimination and ethnic politics, thereby undermining the possibilities for true democratic consolidation, nation building, unity, and as a consequence contributing to social and political instability. What needs to be realized that it is not enough to be elected democratically, but also to govern democratically.

In an age of technological breakthroughs, new challenges to peace and security have also arisen from the possible development of new weapons of mass destructions from revolutionary advances in the lethality of conventional weapons, from rapidly growing military expenditures in almost all OAS member states with an army, and weapons systems that are not controlled by any multilateral regime.

A synergy of enhanced global and regional efforts in strengthening the rule of law in the areas of disarmament, non-proliferation and counter-terrorism is, in our view, essential in addressing the contemporary challenges.

We could also mention that issues such as institutionalizing structured dialogue and negotiation mechanisms between political and social actors, and constitutional and electoral reforms are factors germane to the stability of our countries.

Ladies and gentlemen, these are just a few of the major political challenges facing some of our countries -which we must address comprehensively in the near future to ensure that the democratic gains of the last two decades are not adversely affected.

Development challenges

It is clear to me that security means different things to different countries and sub-regions! For example, the security of small island states has peculiar characteristics making them vulnerable to risks and threats of a transnational nature, such as natural disasters, sudden changes in the global economy or systematic environmental damage.

I already referred to the unacceptable levels of poverty and inequality in the Western Hemisphere. If not addressed adequately, these will remain an important source and force of instability and insecurity in our societies. Studies have shown that crime and violence have a significant relationship with poverty, lack of economic opportunities and education. Therefore it is of critical importance that Governments not only address the symptoms of poverty, crime and violence, but seek to analyze and address the underlying structural causes of these problems.

Sustainable development is another factor affecting a stable security environment and vice versa. The Western Hemisphere has become more susceptible to non-traditional challenges which involve competition for or lack of natural resources, land tenure reform and weakened agricultural and rural development.

The current financial crisis will in some form affect most, if not all, countries in the Western Hemisphere. This can further exacerbate existing weaknesses and distortions resulting in political instability, economic decline and increase the level and intensity of poverty. Those CARICOM countries heavily depending on tourism and remittances will witness their economies shrinking, resulting in closure of businesses and increase of unemployment. Exports in certain countries will decline, which will result in declining revenues for Governments, impacting on the capacity to deliver on social policy objectives, especially in education and health care.

I believe Governments should pay special attention to the position of youth in their societies, especially as they represent the majority of the population and the future work force. Young people feel frustrated, excluded and marginalized, because even with a better education they often cannot be employed. Many believe that if this situation continues the so called “inter-generational transmission of poverty” will become a dark reality for many young people.

Their confidence in political leaders and political processes is declining every year and in absence of options many find themselves in criminal environments, youth gangs and transnational criminal organizations. I believe that if the problems and needs of the youth are not adequately addressed this may become a serious security problem for many countries in the future. Therefore I urge Governments, legislative bodies and policy makers to design targeted policies to improve opportunities for educations and employment for young people. The OAS has decided to appoint a focal point on youth and to add the role and position of youth as a cross-cutting issue in the development of programs and projects.

Environmental challenges

The impact of natural disasters has created in many countries a set back of their economies for many years, like in Grenada a couple of years ago and in Haiti now. Under these circumstances Governments are challenged to maintain acceptable levels of stability and security. In a similar fashion the effects of global warming will impact on the ability of societies to maintain current levels of economic growth and life style, resulting in an increase of unemployment, rural degradation, increased migration and subsequently economic instability, social unrest and conflict among groups in society.

Security challenges

The traditional threats to security are known to all of us present: the scourge of illegal drug trafficking, accompanied by illegal trafficking in small firearms and ammunitions, creating instability in many parts of receiving countries, organized criminal groups involved in trafficking of persons, youth gangs, terrorism.

The OAS has provided and continues to provide support and technical assistance to member states through its specialized units on illegal drug trafficking, terrorism and illegal firearms trade.

I am pleased to note that there is a high level political commitment at the sub-regional level to combat these threats. I like to mention here the Merida Initiative, a three-year security cooperation plan between Mexico, the United States and the countries of Central America (specifically Belize, Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, Panama, Haiti and the Dominican Republic) that was signed into law in June 2008, to fight the threat of drug trafficking and transnational crime in the Western Hemisphere.

It is also evident that financial and institutional constraints due to size and level of development of vulnerable economies are particularly relevant to a country’s ability to shield its citizenry from many of the identified risks and threats. This only underscores the importance of a sub-regional approach as one of the more effective ways to deal with many of the regional threats and challenges we currently face.

One interesting initiative in this regard is structure the Eastern Caribbean countries have developed in the form of the Regional Security System (RSS). The RSS performs a useful role to its membership, but to become more effective Caribbean wide, I believe, that the mandate and membership of the RSS need to be broadened and deepened.

The last decade we have observed significant changes in the nature, scope and intensity of transnational organized crime. Criminal groups have established more tightly structured cells or networks of individuals, while also increasing the sophistication of crime and range of their operations.

The volume of organized crime has grown in every region across the world where there have been sustained periods of conflict. Furthermore, experience has taught us that in situations of institutional weakness, corruption, ineffective rule of law and organized crime networks, there is a greater likelihood of creating an environment in which terrorism may thrive.

Recently, this hemisphere has been faced with a wave of organized juvenile crime. Criminal gangs, called Maras have become major security threats in Central America and in some countries of the Caribbean. This new cross-border phenomenon and security challenge has traceable links between gangs in the United States with partner groups in El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua, Jamaica, among other countries. There are 300.000 gang members in Central America; it is disturbing to observe that in some countries gang members exceed the police force. Some of the gang members have killed as many as 10 people by the time they reach age 15.

A couple of weeks ago during my official visit to El Salvador, I took the opportunity to visit a center for youth gang members, where I spoke with two twenty year young Salvadorians, who had killed as a member of youth gangs. I asked them how they reached this point in their life. The one answered that with no parental control he ended up in the streets and in the company of criminals and subsequently joined a youth gang, while the other one indicated that problems at school led him to use drugs and become a Maras member.

The gang network has also been implicated in illegal weapons and drug trafficking. The speed with which the most sophisticated weapons get into the hands of criminal elements combined with the well financed and orchestrated drug operations constitute major areas of concern for law enforcement in many countries of the hemisphere.

Another source of instability and potential conflict is related to the many existing border and maritime disputes and border incursions in other sovereign territories. In terms of border and maritime disputes the risk of conflict depends strongly on the kind of engagement of the involved Governments at the highest political level as well as the public opinion on the perceived loss or gain of land or territorial waters and the political commitment to solve differences through peaceful means and mechanisms of dialogue and consultation.

The issue of border incursion, especially in the context of the fight against illegal drug trafficking or terrorism is somewhat more complicated and has not been properly regulated in United Nations conventions or for that matter in international law.

Closing Remarks and Recommendations

To address many of these threats or challenges, hemispheric political leaders will have to revisit the existing paradigms on how to create wealth, stability and peace in society.

Democracy, development and security cannot be separated from each other, one is not more important or of a higher order than the other, they are, as stated in the Inter-American Democratic Charter, mutually reinforcing and therefore should be treated as such not only in the multilateral environment, but also in the existing integration systems and at national levels, by incorporating public policies in the overall planning and management of the countries.

The Western Hemisphere will need to engage in creating the conditions for stability and security through the design and enforcement of a hemispheric wide comprehensive security arrangement which currently does not exist.

A strategic and hemispheric security paradigm which places social and economic development at the center, is required to effectively deal with on-going challenges such as migration, rising crime and violence rates, poverty, environmental degradation, border relations and disputes.

In my view, and I have stated this on many occasions, it is high time for political leaders of the Western Hemisphere to consider a new development paradigm, that is not only focused on trade and related arrangements, but also takes into account the vulnerabilities of countries, the social statistics and the human potential, one that is truly multilateral in nature and one that is truly transformative.

It is clear that, given the cross-border nature of the majority of the threats and challenges facing the Americas, hemispheric stability and security, and for that matter economic progress, cannot be achieved by countries operating in isolation; the required conditions can only be achieved collectively through concerted actions.

It is also evident that our globalized world has generated greater inter-dependence among small and large countries due to the cross-border nature of many of the new security threats. Therefore, governments must realize that managing today’s transnational threats and challenges will require a cross-regional, principled, and multilateral “coalition for global governance” that incorporates new players and vulnerable economies.

One such opportune occasion to discuss these objectives and required scope for collaboration and collective action will be the upcoming fifth regular Summit of the Americas, which will take place in Port of Spain, Trinidad and Tobago from 17-19 April 2009.

At this meeting the hemispheric leaders will have the unique opportunity to foster collectivity, promote multilateralism and adopt a new strategic agenda for the Americas that relates more directly to needs and priorities of the people of the Americas. As we already have adopted many laudable declarations and mandates, this fifth and first Summit of the Americas in the Caribbean will, out of necessity, have to focus on more efficient coordination, effective implementation and dedicated financing windows, so as to foster an environment of peace, stability and security in the Western Hemisphere.

Another opportunity to demonstrate this multilateral commitment will be at the OAS General Assembly which will be held six weeks later in San Pedro Sula, Honduras, where OAS member states will be discussing the main theme as proposed by the host Government: “Establishing a culture of non-violence in the Americas”.

In closing, ladies and gentlemen, let me reaffirm the commitment of the Organization of American to continue assisting member states in fostering stability and security, because only in that environment of peace and safety, social and economic progress and investments can take place.

The OAS continues to support the strengthening and deepening of democracy and electoral processes, facilitate and sometimes mediate political crises in and between countries, strengthen state institutions and facilitate resolution of border conflicts, all aimed at creating peace, stability and security.

No doubt a never ending exercise and although we still have a long way to go, I believe, with everybody’s support and collaboration an achievable goal !

I thank you for your kind attention and I look forward to the discussion.