Excelentísimo Señor Vice-Ministro de Relaciones Exteriores y Culto de la República de Costa Rica-Dr. Edgar Ugalde.
Señor Embajador José Joaquín Chaverri, Director del Instituto del Servicio Exterior Manuel María de Peralta.
Señores Embajadores acreditados ante el Gobierno de Costa Rica y otros miembros del Cuerpo Diplomático y de Entidades Multilaterales en Costa Rica.
Excelentísimo Señor Embajador José Enrique Castillo, Representante Permanente del Gobierno de Costa Rica ante la OEA.

Mi colega, Señor Embajador José Patricio Zuquilanda, Representante de la OEA en Costa Rica.
Distinguidos funcionarios del Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores y Culto y otras entidades del Gobierno costarricense.
Distinguidos académicos, profesores y estudiantes que me honran con su presencia.
Miembros de la prensa, otros colegas de la OEA, Señoras y Señores:

Agradezco al Señor Canciller, al Señor Vice Canciller y al Embajador Chaverri, por su gentil invitación para disertar esta tarde. Es para mi un honor visitar de nuevo esta querida tierra.
Vengo como siempre, con el ánimo de aprender y de acercar aún más la Organización de Estados Americanos a uno de sus países miembros fundadores. Costa Rica se ha distinguido siempre por su apoyo a la organización, que su vez ha servido de Foro cuando su Gobierno así lo ha requerido para que por la vía del diálogo y el debate se superen las dificultades.
En esta oportunidad, vengo además con respeto a manifestar nuestro pesar por la tragedia que ha afectado recientemente a la familia costarricense y deseo manifestar al gobierno y al pueblo de Costa Rica mis deseos para una pronta y completa recuperación.

Introduction

Ladies and Gentlemen,

With your permission, I will continue the remainder of my presentation in the second best language I know, English.
It is perhaps an understatement to say that we are at an interesting moment in regional, hemispheric and global affairs. The world is confronted with a historically unprecedented combination of a global financial crisis, food insecurity, volatile oil prices, the ongoing conflicts in the Middle East, including the recent escalation of hostilities in Gaza, the war in Afghanistan, political and governance challenges in some countries in Africa, health difficulties in some areas, and the looming environmental crisis. That is the environment in which we live.
In the Americas specifically, we are bearing witness to ideological differences and simmering socio-political tensions in Latin America - especially in the Andean sub-region; divergent views on development, inter-state relations and integration dynamics in the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) and Central America (SICA); and the incredibly high expectations surrounding the election of Barack Obama as the 44th and first African-American President of the United States of America, among other developments and challenges.

When historians, 30 or 40 years from now, look back at this period in the history of the Western Hemisphere, I am sure that they will characterize this moment as a watershed, symbolizing the end of one era and the beginning of a new one. It is up to us to determine now where that new beginning will lead.

All of the above factors and more will influence, in varying degrees, the tone of the ongoing political dialogue among nations. And they will certainly impact on the discussions and final outcome of the 5th Summit of the Americas, which will take place in Trinidad and Tobago, April 17-19, 2009. This is the first time that a small nation, and furthermore, one from the Caribbean, is organizing such an ambitious encounter, at a unique moment in the history of the Western Hemisphere.

It is therefore in this context of global challenges and fundamental changes taking place in the hemisphere that I have entitled this lecture, “A New Moment of Change in the Western Hemisphere: Realities and Opportunities”.
I shall now attempt to present an overview of the geopolitics of the Americas, with the hope of generating discussion on what your view as the major issues confronting the Americas.

The Global Context

We all know that the global order is changing and that advances in technology are contributing to this process in a way that makes it difficult for some countries to catch up and to be part of the global economy in a meaningful way. Bilateral and multilateral relations are constantly being modified and in the post-Cold War world of the early 21st century, new state actors are taking prominence on the international stage.

Across politics, economics, culture and military strength, a new world order is emerging. Russia is reasserting itself and Brazil, India and China, the more advanced developing nations, are increasingly forces to be reckoned with. These countries as well as South Africa, are now major political and economic players in their respective regions and in international forums such as the World Trade Organization (WTO). This has already been clearly recognized by the most developed economies of the G7.

As traditional patterns of foreign policy orientation and trading relations are changing across the globe, the interest of China and India, for example, are having a significant impact on the growth of Latin American and Caribbean economies. It is interesting to note that China, for instance, has just joined the Caribbean Development Bank (CDB) and the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB), indications of China’s clear and focused attention on cooperation with Latin America and the Caribbean, as a region. It is also worthy to note that China has published for the first time, in November 2008, following earlier briefs on Europe and Africa, a policy paper on the Americas.

Given that Russia too is raising its profile in the region as well as the interest of non-traditional players, these new developments provide for mutually advantageous opportunities in the diversification of political and economic cooperation in Latin America and the Caribbean. But they potentially also pose risks to stability in the Western Hemisphere if not handled with sensitivity and diplomatic dexterity.

To add complexity to the emerging picture, it is obvious that the global financial crisis will in some form affect most, if not all, countries in the Americas. In Latin America and the Caribbean, in particular, the fallout from the economic meltdown will exacerbate existing structural weaknesses and distortions, which could lead to economic downturn, increased poverty and political instability.

All countries of the region are expected to record declines in foreign direct investment this year. Those CARICOM and SICA countries heavily dependent on tourism and remittances will witness their economies shrinking, probably resulting in closure of businesses and higher unemployment. Commodity prices are expected to suffer and export production in certain countries will fall. All this will obviously result in reduced revenues for Governments, impacting on their capacity to deliver on social goods, such as education and health care.

In a similar fashion, the effects of climate change, along with the already proven higher incidence and intensity of hurricanes and other natural disasters, could have catastrophic effects on all the countries of the region, hurricane-prone countries of Central America and particularly on the Caribbean.

Under these circumstances, Governments in the region will be challenged to maintain current rates of economic growth and acceptable levels of stability and security. If allowed to worsen unabated, the effects of the economic crisis and global warming together could result in a long, downward economic spiral, with increased unemployment and poverty, rural degradation, loss of food production, increased migration, worse crime and consequently, social unrest, conflict and political instability. And it is the small developing states of Latin America and the Caribbean region that would be most vulnerable.

The Western Hemisphere

I wish at this point to state unequivocally that the OAS leadership is not concerned with ideological differences between left and right orientations in Latin America and the Caribbean. Every democratically elected government has the right to pursue those policies it deems in accordance with its people’s wishes. The OAS is concerned with pursuing work on its four pillars – democratic governance, human rights, multidimensional security and sustainable development – in support of the social and economic aspirations of its member states and a strengthened and more united hemisphere.
There are three fundamental issues that I wish to highlight with regard to the Western Hemisphere.

Firstly, some 30 years ago in Latin America, there was an abundance of dictatorships. Since then, Latin America has gone through a democratization process that has brought to the fore different ideological, political, economic and social interests within and among countries and sub-regions. Democracy has also created political space for previously marginalized groups in society, such as women, youth and indigenous people.

Secondly, more recently, since 2006, we have witnessed a significant turnover, through democratic means, in the political leadership of the hemisphere, with more than 20 countries undergoing general elections, some of them in Central America. During this period, roughly two-thirds of the peoples of the Americas have been involved in some sort of electoral process.

Thirdly, although some progress has been made, the Latin American and Caribbean region, despite reasonable economic growth, continues to have unacceptable high levels of poverty. Latin America itself has the highest levels of income inequality in the world and some 220 million people live on less than US$2 a day. The resulting sense of hopelessness, marginalization and exclusion is a key contributing factor to insecurity in the region.

All three factors that I just mentioned support the growing recognition that democracy does not begin and end with elections alone and that the consolidation of democracy is clearly a work in progress. In this regard, the current economic crisis is a cause for concern on a number of levels. For example, the relative political and economic gains over the last two decades might now be in danger of being dramatically eroded by the global financial crisis, as well as by more specific challenges arising from threats to food and energy security, the environmental crisis, and the violence associated with organized crime, youth gangs, and illegal trafficking in drugs and firearms.

I believe that the diversity in objectives and interests in terms of how to organize societies, how to mobilize forces in societies, how to relate to neighbouring states and other countries in the Western Hemisphere and beyond, has created a new, sometimes challenging, political landscape.
Indeed, many believe that today Latin America and the Caribbean are marked by perhaps the highest level of tension and insecurity within and between nations since the end of the Cold War.

This does not mean however that inter-state controversies and conflicts have completely vanished. The OAS has still, regrettably, not been able to broker the re-establishment of diplomatic relations between Ecuador and Colombia. And we still have many border and maritime disputes to deal with. The OAS remains committed to working with Member States at their request to solve disputes where they arise.

On occasion, the slow pace in finding the middle ground can be cause for concern as existing social and political fault lines could lead to more extreme fractures within and between countries, with obvious implications for democracy, regional stability and the hemispheric integration process.

The USA and the Americas

We, like most people in the hemisphere, hope and expect that the arrival of President Barack Obama will present new opportunities for enhanced cooperation and engagement in securing a more stable political and security environment in the Americas. Sub-regions and countries in Latin America and the Caribbean are anticipating that a new and revitalized relationship between the United States and the rest of the hemisphere will be established.

Whatever our assessment of the past eight years of US foreign policy towards the Western Hemisphere, there is a logical and natural expectation that, with the coming of a new administration, it will not be business as usual.
I expect that diplomatic relations between the United States and Bolivia, Nicaragua and Venezuela will evolve positively. I also hope that, in addition, priority will be given by the Obama administration to the most threatening developments that can jeopardize security and stability in the Western Hemisphere. This process can in turn be enhanced by the actions of the sub-regions in making a convincing case with concrete analysis and initiatives to create opportunities for structural engagement at the highest political levels.
One issue that appears likely to receive more attention from President Obama and Secretary of State Hillary Clinton is Cuba’s place in the hemisphere. In November, Cuba was admitted to the Rio Group and there are calls across the hemisphere, especially by South American and CARICOM leaders, for President Obama to lift the US embargo on Cuba. President Obama said in his campaign that he would remove the restrictions on Cuban Americans travelling to Cuba and sending remittances to relatives.

At some stage, Cuba would be expected to be re-admitted to the hemispheric family of nations by resuming its seat in the OAS. From my perspective, such readmission should be step-by-step and principled step-by-step, because what we are talking about is not going to happen overnight; it is a process and there are many issues that need to be addressed before Cuba can resume its rightful place in the OAS. Principled, because for all the members of the OAS, issues of multiparty democracy, human rights and the rule of law are the cornerstone of the democratic framework of governance and are embedded in the Inter-American Democratic Charter that has been adopted by all 34 active member states. As such, it is quite possible that this issue may emerge, in one way or the other, at the upcoming Summit of the Americas and at the next OAS General Assembly in San Pedro Sula, Honduras, from May 31 to June 2, 2009.
The expectations of the region with regard to US relations with Bolivia, Venezuela and Cuba and with Latin America and the Caribbean in general may not be wholly met at the forthcoming 5th Summit of the Americas. But it is anticipated that the United States may seize the opportunity to make a major statement on improving relations with the rest of the hemisphere in Port of Spain, especially on issues such as development and the fight against poverty, the pending approval of the free trade agreements with Colombia and Panama, climate change, and security related issues including organized crime, narco-trafficking, illegal trafficking in arms, and deportees.

Beyond the emotion of President Obama’s election and inauguration, there is real cause for optimism, as both the President and his Secretary of State have embraced ‘smart power’. In this respect, I am sure that they will implement one of the key recommendations of the Commission on Smart Power, under the auspices of the Centre for Strategic and International Studies, that is, to “invest in a new multilateralism” by reinvigorating the alliances, partnerships and institutions that allow the United States to address numerous hazards at once without having to build a consensus from scratch to respond to every new challenge. The OAS and the hemisphere as a whole could benefit immeasurably from such an approach.

The 5th Summit of the Americas

When the offer was made a few years ago by Trinidad and Tobago to host the upcoming Summit, no one could have anticipated the financial crisis and other challenges before us. Such is the nature of international affairs. But then again, very few people could have foreseen the historic changes that have recently taken place in the United States and indeed, in other countries of the hemisphere. It is tempting to think that we are perhaps at this moment living through one of those landmark moments of change that occur in history and that the stars may very well be aligned in the political firmament for a successful 5th Summit.
The OAS is doing all that it is being asked to do and I am pleased to reaffirm our commitment to supporting the Government of Trinidad and Tobago to ensure the success of the Summit.

On the substantive side, the Summit will have the theme, “Securing Our Citizens’ Future by Promoting Human Prosperity, Energy Security and Environmental Sustainability”. The multilateral negotiation of the Summit’s Declaration of Commitment of Port of Spain is progressing, even as these key themes are being impacted by the current climate of financial crisis and uncertainty.
The Government of Trinidad and Tobago is quite correctly stressing that the Summit should be people-centered and results-oriented. In this respect, the integrity and credibility of the process will depend to a large extent on what is decided with regard to issues of coordination, implementation, financing, institutionalization and regularization.

My own view is that the Summit should be institutionalized within the OAS and held every two or four years as a strengthened inter-American mechanism and substantive policy platform of the OAS General Assembly. The Summit process can also make use of the existing dialogue architecture of the inter-American system, building on OAS mechanisms for follow-up and implementation. In this regard, I wish to offer two proposals:

1. The convocation of joint meetings of Ministers of Foreign Affairs and Ministers of Finance. This is important if there is to be a fully coordinated and financed approach to the implementation of mandates. Indeed, it may be useful to consider the back-to-back holding of the OAS General Assembly and the IDB Annual Meeting to facilitate such a coordinating mechanism.

2. The creation of special Summit windows at the IDB and the sub-regional development banks to finance Summit mandates.

I believe that these two proposals can make an important difference for the realization, in a timely manner, of the major objectives of the leaders of the Hemisphere. But whatever the recommendations and however finely crafted the Summit Declaration, the true success of the Summit will be measured by the tone and the quality of the dialogue among the hemisphere’s leaders, many of whom were not at the last Summit in Argentina in 2005. As such, the OAS leadership is committed to supporting the diplomatic efforts of the Government of Trinidad and Tobago to create in advance the right political atmosphere for a positive and constructive encounter of leaders.

I myself hope that the different countries of the hemisphere will focus on what is common, on what binds them together and on what can foster unity, rather than on what divides the hemisphere, in a true spirit of partnership and re-engagement.

In this respect, I should underline the importance of engaging with civil society, the youth and the private sector in the process of creating an enhanced culture of dialogue for development. The OAS is also supporting efforts leading up to the Summit, whereby there will be a Youth Forum, a Civil Society Forum and a Private Sector Forum, out of which will emanate recommendations to the leaders. Civil society, as a whole, including the youth and the private sector, as well as trade unions and other functional groups, needs to play a structured role in processes such as the Summit, with opportunities established for regular dialogue to create ownership and to foster a sense of shared and collective responsibility.

The XXXIX General Assembly of the OAS.

The Summit of the Americas will be followed on June the 1st, by the 39th General Assembly of the OAS, which as you know ordinarily meets every year, in its capacity as supreme organ of the Organization. On this occasion, it will be held in San Pedro Sula, Honduras, in Central American ground. The main topic, as chosen by the host Government will be “Non violence and participation”, aiming to raise the level of discussion of that challenging subject, which is negatively affecting the quality of life in most, if not all, of the 34 active OAS members.

The General Assembly will certainly offer an opportunity to follow-up at the Ministerial level, on the agreements reached by the Presidents and Heads of Government in the Port of Spain Summit.

As a society recognized for the design and implementation of policies that have contributed greatly to Human Development, it is my expectation that the Costa Rican delegation will make an important contribution to this important Declaration.

Conclusion

We thus observe fundamental developments and changes in the Western Hemisphere: an enhancement of democracy in Latin America; the election of new political leaders with independent ideas and initiatives on democracy, development and security; the election of a new political leader in the USA with the promise of momentous change; and the impact of a severe financial crisis, on top of other developmental challenges.

All these realities demand a new vision for the Americas, one that will provide hope and avenues for meaningful change and commitment to the causes of the peoples of this hemisphere. Less politics of power, more people oriented politics and policies. Leaders have to commit, through concrete initiatives, to a hemispheric partnership for holistic development, focusing on the human potential, advocating education for development, education for peace and security, which will improve the economic and security environment, creating stability and prosperity in societies.

I would also like to look forward to an intensification of sub-regional integration processes as the basis of the hemispheric framework for political and economic cooperation. In this regard, I believe it is of strategic importance to intensify cooperation and communication between the Central American Integration System, SICA, and other sub-regional groupings, particularly those representing smaller states such as CARICOM. Needless to say too, that the possibilities of practical cooperation for mutual development and complementarity of the economies are vast.

All sub-regional integration systems will most likely have to revisit its strategic integration objectives in light of the global, hemispheric and internal dynamics that have influenced the political, economic and social environment, and which have to be taken into account in charting a new course for further integration.

We need also to strengthen and institutionalize existing dialogue structures in the inter-American system.

The 5th Summit of the Americas will provide an early and unique opportunity for the elaboration of a new vision for the Americas, which could encompass a new, concerted and concrete approach to strengthening democracy, hemispheric security, economic prosperity, one that is collective and multilateral in nature, and one that is truly transformative in terms of uplifting the morale, confidence and commitment of the people as drivers of progress.

There have been many laudable declarations and mandates emanating from previous Summits of the Americas, and other meetings. This 5th Summit will provide the hemisphere’s leaders with a golden opportunity to develop a new hemispheric consensus and to adopt a new strategic agenda for the Americas that relates more directly to the needs and priorities of the peoples of the Americas.

In closing, ladies and gentlemen, let me reaffirm the commitment of the Organization of American States, as the main political platform for consensus building in the hemisphere, to continue supporting democracy, development and security in the Western Hemisphere.

And let me say that while we live in interesting and challenging times, we do have opportunities for change and solutions. This requires a joint effort, a partnership, a constructive and positive mindset, to put our collective shoulders behind these massive challenges. Peace, harmony, prosperity and stability are shared objectives and responsibilities of all in our societies. We all have to embrace the simple truth that no one, no country alone or in isolation can create and sustain the required conditions for peace, prosperity and stability alone. We all need each other to achieve that bright future with hope, compassion and commitment.

Muchas gracias a todos por su atención.